By Chew Zhun Yee
No one wields ethno-religious rhetoric quite like Dr Mahathir Mohamad.
The former prime minister, who led Malaysia over two stints totalling almost 24 years, is not a newcomer in making racially divisive remarks in public.
So his recent social media post criticising new malls in Malaysia for featuring signboards in Chinese with English translation – while omitting the national language, Malay – once again ignited controversy online and in Parliament.
A day later, his post selectively focusing on the B.O.D Frozen Bao store, a Chinese-owned business, to illustrate his point seemed both discriminating and misleading.
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As someone who loves bao, nasi lemak, nasi kandar, roti canai and many other Malaysian dishes, and as a practising philosopher, I cannot help but reflect on this matter.
First, Mahathir’s statements commit several logical fallacies. His argument leaps from observing Chinese signboards to an extreme conclusion that Malaysia risks losing its identity to China. This is a classic slippery slope argument with no evidence of such a causal link.
He also appears to contradict himself by critiquing Chinese signage as endangering Malaysian identity. Yet he uses English – a language linked to colonial history – which undermines his own logic, as some commentators pointed out.
Second, Mahathir’s remarks appear to veer dangerously on the edge of the boundary between nationalism and racism, as he stoked divisive narratives.
Nationalism is not inherently racist when it focuses on preserving the cultural traditions and heritage of a particular ethnic group while respecting the rights and dignity of other groups. However, it becomes racist when it marginalises and systematically discriminates against other ethnic groups.
Malaysia is home to different expressions of nationalism.
The first version is classical or ethno-religious nationalism traditionally aligned with the Malays as the ‘tuan rumah’ or host with their “special position” in society.
Mahathir’s view can be associated with this form of nationalism. For instance, in his book The Malay Dilemma, he states that the Malays are “the only people who can claim Malaya as their one and only country” while immigrants should be assimilated into the dominant host culture.
However, his views at times veer toward a more extreme form of ethno-religious nationalism. This version, advocated by some leaders of the Islamist party Pas, adopts a separatist or segregationist stance, often deepening racial and religious divides in Malaysian society.
Such nationalism frequently employs divisive rhetoric and exploits racial or religious stereotypes to consolidate political power, while marginalising and excluding other ethno-religious groups.
A more progressive and integrationist nationalism known as civic or liberal nationalism is more receptive to cultural plurality of cultures, cosmopolitan values and liberal-democratic principles.
According to Diane K Mauzy, a political science professor at the University of British Columbia, nationalism has evolved, after decades of socio-political and economic development, from focusing on Malay hegemony to building a more inclusive national identity of “Bangsa Malaysia” (Malaysian nationalism).
These changes were reflected in initiatives like Vision 2020, ironically initiated by Mahathir himself in 1991, which envisioned Malaysia as a fully industrialised state by 2020. This was accompanied by loosening of certain ethnic-based policies, such as extending the Amanah Saham savings scheme to the ethnic minorities. Education was liberalised by allowing more private universities to be established, thus increasing higher education opportunities for the minorities, while “Vision schools” were set up to foster ethnic coexistence and solidarity among students.
But, despite progress towards a more inclusive Malaysia, why are we still grappling with a fragmented national identity and weak national unity? Why do racist remarks continue to echo in our society?
An explanation lies in persistent ideological divides and the disconnect between nationalist demands and the principles of reason, morality and cosmopolitanism.
For example, when the demand to protect ethno-religious cultural goods and values infringes on others, as seen in Mahathir’s remarks, it becomes both rationally and morally questionable.
If we are genuinely committed to a prosperous and harmonious future for Malaysia, we must actively promote common ground between increasingly polarised ideologies.
Dialogue – not debates nor confrontations – where the aim is understanding, not winning, can be the first step towards active collaboration between different cultural groups.
Dialogue can encourage a critical re-evaluation of our nationalist ideologies and demands, aligning them with the principles of reason, morality and cosmopolitanism.
It can promote arguments based on reasoning and justification instead of illogical beliefs or fears. For example, the assumption that embracing another culture necessarily dilutes one’s culture or threatens cultural identity – a view often associated with extreme ethno-religious nationalists and cultural purists – can lead to a zero-sum mindset and foster hostility toward other cultures.
Dialogue provides opportunities to reconsider assumptions and allow for the consideration of alternative viewpoints. Through this process, the integration of different cultures can shift from being perceived as a compromise to being recognised as a strength that enriches cultural identity and reinforces cultural pride.
Dialogue can also promote moral reflection, through active listening and empathy towards others. Dialogue that emphasises putting oneself in the shoes of others reminds us that we should not cross the boundaries between legitimate cultural preservation and exclusionary practices.
A nation is made up of moral agents – individuals who possess inherent dignity, rights and responsibilities, not just individuals of various ethnicities, religions or skin colours. So, nationalist demands and policies should align with our moral duties toward others, universal human rights and the principle of “do no harm”.
Finally, dialogue can foster a more open-minded and cosmopolitan view of nationalism that recognises that culture is fluid and plural and a product of historical interactions and adaptations.
Faisal Aziz, the then president of the Islamic youth movement Abim and present chair of electoral reform coalition Bersih, pointed out that cosmopolitanism has been a longstanding feature of Malay culture and Islamic civilisation. In fact, Islamic civilisation itself benefited from Indian advancements in maths and astronomy, Greek contributions to logic, and Persian expertise in jurisprudence.
Faisal lamented that a supposedly cosmopolitan Bangsa Malaysia has been wrongly perceived as a tool to dilute “the identity of the majority race”.
Dialogue can encourage individuals and groups to see national identity as a dynamic entity one co-creates with others in Malaysia by engaging with diverse perspectives.
Grassroots events like the International Think Big Summit 2024: Crossroads, organised by the Malaysian Philosophy Society, aim at promoting much-needed dialogue between diverse social groups. They invite ordinary people to collectively and boldly redefine the concept of Bangsa Malaysia in an increasingly polarised nation.
As we stroll through the malls of Malaysia, the vibrant and multilingual signboards should not be seen as a source of division. Rather, we should see them as an invitation to explore the myriad offerings of various cultures. They provide us an opportunity to perhaps strike conversations with strangers when we encounter unfamiliar languages or symbols.
While prioritising Malay as the national language is essential, this can be achieved inclusively and respectfully by ensuring it is represented on all signboards alongside other languages – without resorting to divisive rhetoric.
Chew Zhun Yee is co-founder of the Malaysian Philosophy Society.
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Unfortunately Mahatir is not the only preacher of such a world-view perhaps much longer than others. I am thinking of Victor Orban, the PM of Hungarian who preaches about Christian Europe and his Hungarian nation that cannot be infected by the hordes of migrants who are Muslim, Arabs, black Africans, Afghans etc.