What has PKR got to do with institutional reforms? Very little. The misconception that the party is the torchbearer of reforms must be set aside.
The struggle for institutional reforms did not begin with the sacking of Anwar Ibrahim from the cabinet in 1998. It began decades earlier, with scores of social and political activists suffering periodic detentions.
PKR’s own “reformasi” was mainly a battle cry by Anwar’s family and supporters against then Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s sacking of Anwar as deputy PM and Umno deputy president in 1998. The party’s goal was to oust the Barisan Nasional government and return to power.
After failing to dislodge Mahathir from power, PKR later claimed to be pursuing social justice, equality and meritocracy.
Anwar himself was charged with corruption and sodomy. Amnesty International said his trial “exposed a pattern of political manipulation of key state institutions including the police, public prosecutor’s office and the judiciary”.
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Of course, if you ask the current “Madani” (trustworthy) government, if such excesses have been dealt with, to ensure nobody else ever suffers the same ‘fixed-up’ consequences and injustices, you will not get a convincing answer.
Recently, after almost 30 months in power, Prime Minister Anwar insisted his government remains committed to reforms but these, he said, cannot be implemented hastily. He talks about reforms but mostly gives hopes and promises. Little more. Nurul Izzah, his daughter, repeats the same language in support of her father. She claims Reformasi has not been abandoned but its path is not a quick one. It’s the same ‘modal air liur’ (political rhetoric).
PKR and DAP politicians need to be reminded they were not the only ones who fought for social justice and reforms. Many social activists, NGO leaders and other notable leaders fought tooth and nail, sometimes paying a heavy price, in the struggle. For those who have departed, their souls would still be restless – as many much-needed reforms remain unrealised.
Some shameless politicians even act and behave as if they earned on their own the positions and power they now enjoy.
In reality, the advocacy, campaigns and struggles for vital issues that have been championed for decades – even those these politicians in government were once part of – now lie buried deep under tons of excuses.
The compassion and empathy for marginalised communities among some of these politicians now that they are in power appears to have evaporated.
Take the report by the institutional reform committee, compiled by eminent personalities during Pakatan Harapan’s first stint in federal power under Mahathir. Does the Madani government have the political will to implement the recommendations in the report?
PKR must recall its humiliating defeat in the 2004 general election. The party lost all the seats it contested except one, Permatang Pauh, held by Anwar’s wife, Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail.
Similarly, the tide can change overnight now if people refuse to forgive and forget, if promises are not kept.
In the 2008 general election, the PKR-led Pakatan Rakyat opposition coalition, boosted by massive Hindraf and Bersih rallies, bagged 82 parliamentary seats on the back of 46.8% of the popular vote. PR also took over five state governments.
PR’s vote share was close to the BN’s 50.3%, which handed the ruling coalition 140 seats. Note, PR won 58 seats fewer than BN even though it trailed by only 3.5% of the popular vote.
This disparity was mainly due to gerrymandering, which has not yet been corrected. Will the Madani government exploit this advantage by going for an early general election, ie before the next redrawing of constituency boundaries due by 2026? Or will it fix it before calling for the next general election due by 2028?
This electoral reform to ensure free and fair elections is pressing. It cannot wait.
Some political pundits believe Anwar could call for an early election before the redrawing is done. The idea is to wrest between 25-30 seats from Perikatan Nasional that it lost by slim margins – especially now that Anwar’s Pakatan Harapan and BN have joined forces.
The recent Air Kuning by-election result, however, was not very encouraging for the Madani team. The combined votes of PH-BN for Air Kuning fell from 15,963 (68.0% of the popular vote) in the 2022 Perak state election to 11,065 (60.7%) now.
A long-overdue key reform is the clear separation of powers between the executive, the legislature and the judiciary.
Government politicians argue that the coalition is hamstrung by complex socio-political and religious dynamics. Moving too fast on reforms could risk political disintegration for the Madani government. This may explain the PH leaders’ apparently lukewarm attitude towards reforms.
Others are not impressed with this argument and assert that PH simply lacks political will.
Some suggest that institutional reforms died the moment Anwar took the oath as PM with the backing of Umno, which has been the biggest stumbling block for reform since independence. Such a belief is not entirely without basis.
Soon after the “unity government” was formed, Umno milked the alliance by taking control of some of the most resourceful ministries. Umno politicians, several of them tainted, were appointed to government-linked companies, agencies and regulatory bodies and to coveted positions like state governors.
And who can forget the string of individuals who were let off with a “discharge not amounting to an acquittal”. The most shocking was that granted to a senior Umno leader after the court had already found a prima facie case against him on 47 charges of criminal breach of trust, corruption and money laundering. This after 77 days of hearing had been held and 114 witnesses called.
So much for the anti-corruption drive.
By right, reforms have to start from the top – the PM’s office which controls almost everything under the Malaysian sun.
The PM, along with several ministers, deputy ministers and senior civil servants, is ultimately responsible for law reforms, Islamic affairs, national audit, civil defence, insolvency, judicial and legal training, the Islamic development department, orang Asli development, the attorney general’s function, the public service and so on.
The PM’s office also has a say on appointments to various statutory bodies like Tabung Haji, the Judicial Appointments Commission, the Electoral Commission, the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission, Sukaham, Khazanah and PNB.
Why the excessive centralisation of power? Why does the PM need so much power?
When will he begin to decentralise these powers? These are low-hanging reforms that the prime minister could implement without even a supermajority in Parliament.
Commendably, a couple of key bills have already been passed by the Senate: the Malaysian Media Council Bill and the Parliamentary Service Bill. Anwar must quickly implement them to uphold the independence of the media and of Parliament.
He should also transfer oversight of the Attorney General’s Chambers, the Election Commission, MACC and Suhakam to parliamentary select committees.
Set up a new chief justice commission to house all the judicial and legal commissions, the Federal Court registrar, the Legal Service Commission and make it responsible for appointments and training. Probably even the Sharia courts and the prosecution department. This commission should be overseen by the king.
All this is doable. But the crucial question remains: does the prime minister have the political will to press ahead with the reform agenda urgently?
Sarajun Hoda Abdul Hassan
Co-editor, Aliran newsletter
4 May 2025
AGENDA RAKYAT - Lima perkara utama
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