The darkness that troubles us and tries to degrade us may thin out. We may still contrive to raise three cheers for democracy, although at present she only deserves two. – EM Forster, 1951
Forster’s sobering thought about democracy is probably similarly relevant to our current times.
Democracy is certainly encountering new dangers even in its heartlands in these dark days of democratic discord, disruption and global turbulence.
In this newsletter, let us turn to our own Malaysian situation.
A sense of weariness and discontent pervades when we think about the current incarnation of the Reformasi agenda. The incarnation today, known as Malaysia Madani (civil and trustworthy) with its six-core values, is cited ad infinitum in speeches and public events.
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Rummaging through my bookshelves for works on the Reformasi movement and its impact, I spot a book edited by Kee Thuan Chye, March 8: The Day Malaysia Woke Up.
Another one catches my eye: a book by Ooi Kee Beng, Lee Hock Guan and me, March 8: Eclipsing May 13.
The titles speak for themselves: 8 March 2008 was a critical watershed in Malaysian politics, sparked by the multi-ethnic Reformasi movement. Many of us were caught up in the euphoria of the moment.
Thanks to the unprecedented political mobilisation in support of Pakatan Rakyat (People’s Alliance) coalition of forces, Barisan Nasional, which had dominated politics for five decades, lost its supermajority in Parliament.
This “political tsunami” (as some analysts described it) saw the Anwar Ibrahim-led Pakatan Rakyat emerge as the sole opposition bloc. It won 46% of the popular vote and 37% of seats in Parliament.
However, it would take another decade for BN to lose parliamentary control to the political coalition known as Pakatan Harapan (Alliance of Hope) under the unlikely leadership of former Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad. For me, this remained as a path-dependent continuation of Reformasi.
An interregnum of politics sparked by the Sheraton Move from 2020 till 2022, would ensue until the emergence of a “unity government” in 2022. This was the first time Anwar assumed the reins of government as prime minister
What a monumental struggle it was for Reformasi to finally reach this point. And what irony for it to share power with Umno, its erstwhile political nemesis! Many of us veterans feel this irony deeply. It continues to generate cognitive dissonance for us.
Few reforms
So now, some 27 years since the first cry of “Reformasi”, what has really been achieved?
Let me try to give an assessment, which of course will not be comprehensive. It is just a personal take.
Reforms have, no doubt, been slow to happen since the 2022 general election.
Responding to a plethora of criticisms, Prime Minister Anwar observed: “There are some impatient ones. You can move fast and be thrown out tomorrow, so it has to be done with wisdom.
“Hikmah (wisdom from Allah) means a lot, not only in how you profess, but how you act. Do you have the resources? Do you have the necessary support? Are you able to convince the ruling elite and the professional elites that this is a mission that must be supported by all?
“And, what are the stages? Where do you begin? Can you just undertake this massive reform in a year, or two years, or three years? I don’t know. I don’t have all the answers.
“But what I know is there is no turning back. What I’m certain is that every month and every year, there must be some progression.”
Mostly lame excuses, but Anwar does make a valid follow-up point. As he puts it, with only 81 out of 222 parliamentary seats, PH must work with coalition partners BN, Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS), and Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) to “build consensus on the reform agenda”. This is truly a tall order.
Anwar’s party member Wong Chen, who heads the Special Select Committee on International Trade and Foreign Relations, lamented that after 15 years as an elected representative, he feels and probably understands why there are few reforms to show.
Wong Chen is a loyalist of Rafizi Ramli, who lost the PKR deputy presidency in party elections recently.
Wong Chen’s bold statements drew the ire of Subang PKR deputy chief Dr Wan Hasifi Amin Wan Zaidon. He asked Wong Chen to quit since the Subang MP was apparently no longer “aligned” with the party.
Aliran honorary secretary Mary Magdaline Pereira, who is from the Subang constituency, provided us with an alternative perspective in asking people to be fair to her MP.
No doubt the political fisticuffs between the Rafizi camp and Nurul Izzah Anwar’s stalwarts within the Reformasi party will prevail for some time.
Whither institutional reforms?
But what is the progress of PH’s reform agenda today?
In the public eye are several major institutional reforms that have not got underway or are progressing at a snail’s pace. The key reforms due: the separation of the roles of the attorney general and public prosecutor, a political financing act, and the vetting of key reforms, including the head of Malaysia’s anti-corruption agency, by a bipartisan committee.
We have seen little movement so far on these vital reforms.
Moreover, civil society voices hit the roof when Prime Minister Anwar extended the contract of the controversial Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission chief three times after retirement.
In attempting to justify this, Anwar said Azam Baki is the only individual bold enough to go after corrupt individuals in high places.
Political scientist Meredith Weiss has assessed the progress of institutional reforms under Anwar’s government by mid-2024. The government has also come up with its own digital roadmap on the status of its institutional reforms.
Importantly, Parliament now has 10 bipartisan special select committees and five select committees. It also has four all-party parliamentary groups, which involve the participation of NGOs.
These committees allow for bipartisan chairpersons and membership – an important innovative step forward for MPs.
Weiss notes that key individuals such as Umno’s Azalina Othman are pivotal to the progress of reforms. She is the minister in the PM’s Department responsible for law and institutional reform.
Azalina has been given the job of establishing a special task force on institutional reform to present proposals to the cabinet. She is also tasked with setting up an independent law commission to recommend revisions to keep laws relevant and effective. Not much has been done in this respect so far.
For me, a significant legal reform related to capital punishment was the removal of the mandatory death penalty in 2023. The new law gives judges the option to impose sentences of 30-40 years for serious crimes.
Other important legal reforms that remain in limbo include the proposed separation of the powers of the attorney general and public prosecutor. Another reform that has not seen much progress is the political financing law.
There is also the controversial bill (RUU 355) to amend the Syariah Court (Criminal Jurisdiction) Act 1995 that would expand the scope of punishments under the Sharia court system. Reports indicate that Anwar may want to introduce this bill in 2025. Many civil society groups have long objected to this move.
The Anwar administration, touted as a ‘reform government’, does include reformists. But within its ranks are also politicians and parties less inclined to diverge from the status quo, Weiss notes.
That said, the jury is still out for the PM halfway through his term on whether he can see through at least some intended reforms, given how he is saddled with a host of short-term problems.
The PM must now manage the new political realignments within his own party. He has to face another unfinished court case concerning sexual assault allegations. And to top it all, he has to contend with a host of global issues affecting Malaysia.
Sigh… For those of us who have gone through thick and thin with Anwar and the Reformasi agenda in spirit – and with blood, sweat and tears, for some – perhaps we can afford to be generous and give ourselves “two cheers”.
Johan Saravanamuttu
Co-editor, Aliran newsletter
16 June 2025
AGENDA RAKYAT - Lima perkara utama
- Tegakkan maruah serta kualiti kehidupan rakyat
- Galakkan pembangunan saksama, lestari serta tangani krisis alam sekitar
- Raikan kerencaman dan keterangkuman
- Selamatkan demokrasi dan angkatkan keluhuran undang-undang
- Lawan rasuah dan kronisme
