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Sabah’s shifting politics test the durability of Hajiji’s new government

A region long defined by fluid loyalties enters another uncertain chapter after a tightly contested election

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Nehru Sathia Moorthy

To gauge stable Sabah’s newly formed government might be, all we need to do is look at the time Hajiji Noor was sworn in as chief minister after the election results were settled.

The fact that Hajiji took his oath of office at 03:00, unable to even wait for dawn to break, reveals how precarious he believed his position was.

The rushed ceremony strongly suggests he feared even a few hours of delay could cost him the chief ministership to his closest rival, Warisan president Shafie Apdal.

In the new Sabah Legislative Assembly, Gabungan Rakyat Sabah holds 29 seats, while Warisan has 25. Barisan Nasional trails far behind with six seats.

With 37 seats required to form a simple majority, the high number of possible combinations makes the post-election landscape extremely fluid. This is especially true in a state with a long history of fragile loyalties and shifting alliances.

The signs of instability are already apparent. For one, Shafie has had to publicly deny rumours he was in post-poll discussions with BN even after Hajiji had been sworn in – a moment when negotiations should technically be over. 

At a press conference, he said: “I have been working on (preparing for) this election for the past four years. Never, not once, have I reached out to other parties.”

His denial came only after speculation intensified that he and Sabah BN were exploring coalition arithmetic.

Meanwhile, internal discontent brewed within GRS. Allies warned against BN’s inclusion in government, with the youth wing of Parti Gagasan Rakyat publicly opposing BN’s participation in the GRS-led administration.

They argued that the coalition already commands a stable majority through GRS, Upko, independents, Star, KDM and Pakatan Harapan’s lone assembly member.

The youth wing openly reminded the public that the people of Sabah “sent a clear signal by rejecting BN”, citing BN’s past political manoeuvres and clashes with GRS.

“The GRS Plus government has already surpassed the simple majority required to form the state administration.”

Its current composition comprises 29 GRS seats, five Independents, three from Upko, one from PH, one from KDM, along with support from Star with two seats.

“In addition, the government’s position will be further strengthened with the appointment of six nominated Sabah State Assembly members, ensuring stable governance in the State Legislative Assembly,” the youth wing said in a statement.

All of this makes one thing clear: Hajiji’s position is not as solid as that 03:00 swearing-in ceremony appeared to suggest.

If we consider the legitimacy in moral terms rather than the technical one, Shafie arguably enters this post-election period with a stronger narrative.

While Hajiji campaigned on the platform that Sabah should cooperate closely with Putrajaya, Warisan ran on a Sabah-for-Sabahans message, emphasising local autonomy and expressing distrust of federal influence. Judging from the results, the people of Sabahans seemed more receptive to Shafie’s narrative.

Parties linked to the federal government suffered sweeping defeats – PH and its components were all but wiped out – suggesting a rejection of Putrajaya’s involvement in Sabah politics.

In contrast, Warisan’s 25 seats are highly competitive, especially given that the party stood against well-funded incumbents and was expected to fare far worse. The near parity between Warisan and GRS therefore strengthens the perception that Warisan’s message resonated more deeply.

This perception matters. If many in Sabah believe the ‘throne’ rightfully belongs to Shafie, Hajiji’s administration may face constant pressure – especially if political actors keep their lines of communication open behind the scenes.

In my view, the next few weeks and months are critical. If Hajiji’s GRS government survives until the new year, then perhaps Sabah may experience a period of relative stability for the next five years.

But if cracks continue widening – and early signs already indicate they might – the possibility of another government collapse cannot be ruled out.

Let us watch closely how events unfold.

Nehru Sathia Moorthy is a regular content creator.

The views expressed in Aliran's media statements and the NGO statements we have endorsed reflect Aliran's official stand. Views and opinions expressed in other pieces published here do not necessarily reflect Aliran's official position.

AGENDA RAKYAT - Lima perkara utama
  1. Tegakkan maruah serta kualiti kehidupan rakyat
  2. Galakkan pembangunan saksama, lestari serta tangani krisis alam sekitar
  3. Raikan kerencaman dan keterangkuman
  4. Selamatkan demokrasi dan angkatkan keluhuran undang-undang
  5. Lawan rasuah dan kronisme
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