By Charles Chia
For over two weeks, people in Malaysia witnessed an intense political duel – the contest for the post of PKR deputy president between the party’s two most prominent figures.
The incumbent was Rafizi Ramli. The challenger was none other than Nurul Izzah, daughter of party president and Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim.
It became a political drama that drew widespread public attention. Turning an internal party election into a national spectacle could only happen in PKR – and only with Rafizi involved.
Reformasi’s maverick
Rafizi is a political maverick. He abandoned a promising corporate career to join PKR at a young age. He was fired up by the Reformasi movement sparked by Anwar’s sacking from Umno by then Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad.
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Rafizi grew renowned for exposing high-level corruption, often at great personal cost – including time in prison.
While ethnic Malay sentiment towards him remains mixed, he has been a hero to many from the ethnic minorities, some of whom once saw him as a future prime minister.
It was therefore shocking to many when Rafizi was soundly defeated by Nurul Izzah. Some of his supporters reacted with outrage. They accused Anwar of betrayal – of sending his daughter to ‘eliminate’ Rafizi to consolidate power. Claims of nepotism emerged, with allegations that PKR was turning into a family-run party.
While these accusations lack evidence, many outside the party believed them. This was largely because of their admiration for Rafizi and limited insight into PKR’s internal dynamics.
Complex reality
The popular narrative is that Anwar intended to crown Nurul Izzah his successor by sidelining Rafizi.
But the truth is far more complex. Before nominations closed, Anwar had reportedly urged Rafizi to stay on uncontested.
For reasons known only to him, Rafizi did not take up the ‘offer’.
Nurul Izzah, meanwhile, had originally declared her candidacy for a vice-president’s post – not the deputy presidency.
The turning point came during the party’s branch and divisional elections in April. Many of Rafizi’s allies lost, prompting accusations of foul play.
Rafizi confronted Anwar, demanding rectification. An audit was ordered, but it did not satisfy him. Rumours swirled of a heated exchange, with Rafizi allegedly storming out and threatening to resign.
This fallout is believed to have influenced Anwar’s decision to field a challenger against Rafizi. Nurul Izzah was not the first choice, but she eventually stepped in after the original candidate withdrew, due to personal constraints.
Predictably, the public blamed Anwar, ignoring Rafizi’s role in provoking the split.
The strategist and his blind spots
No one disputes Rafizi’s talent. Twice, he helped Pakatan Harapan win general elections through innovative strategies and bold messaging. Thinking outside the box is his strength.
Yet, without humility and political tact, these strengths risk becoming liabilities. Rafizi is often perceived as arrogant and aloof – not a team player.
In the last party election three years ago, Rafizi fielded a handpicked team under the “Ayuh Malaysia” (Let’s go, Malaysia) banner and conducted nationwide roadshows. His team swept the leadership, winning three out of four vice-presidents’ slots and 16 out of 20 central committee posts. He controlled two-thirds of the party’s leadership.
However, insiders say his team carried an air of superiority, treating opponents as irrelevant. His ‘with me or against me’ approach alienated many. Rafizi allegedly refused to join party WhatsApp groups or even shake hands with colleagues. Some sarcastically wondered if he suffered from ‘political autism’ – a harsh judgement, but reflective of the frustration within the party.
During his campaign, Rafizi portrayed himself as a martyr – a lone reformist opposing a corrupt dynasty. He publicly aired the party’s weaknesses, blaming the leadership while conveniently forgetting he was the deputy president. His rhetoric weakened Pakatan Harapan’s support base, especially among ethnic minority voters unfamiliar with the party’s internal workings.
Ultimately, PKR members rejected him – he got only 28% of the vote. In contrast, two of his allies won vice-presidents’ positions, and his key lieutenant, Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad, came in fifth. Yet Nik Nazmi resigned his ministerial post, citing “lack of party support”, following Rafizi’s footsteps
Danger – party within a party
Make no mistake – these resignations are part of a larger plan.
Rafizi considers himself a master strategist. Some believe he deliberately rejected Anwar’s olive branch to position himself for a future showdown. To him, his contest with Nurul Izzah was a proxy war with Anwar.
His long-term strategy, so he claims, involves reformasi within the party. He apparently wants to create a ‘party within a party’, using public support to pressure the leadership.
No leader in a ruling party can allow this, as the result would only spell division and instability – all in the name of “Reformasi”.
Rafizi might believe that without his team, PKR and the “unity government” would falter in the next state elections. This is a classic pourrissement strategy – letting things rot until the crisis paves the way for a comeback.
But if this is his plan, it could backfire spectacularly. As the Chinese proverb warns: 聪明反被聪明误 – “A clever man may be ruined by his own cleverness.” Rafizi risks undermining the very platform he claims to be fighting for.
Idealist or saboteur?
His recent public criticisms of the party seem more aimed at building his personal brand in the eyes of the public than strengthening PKR. If he still sees PKR as a vehicle for change, he should have accepted the non-contest deal and lived to fight another day: 留得青山在，不怕没柴烧 – “As long as the green hills remain, there will be firewood to burn.”
Instead, he chose to burn bridges. Perhaps he is, as Anwar once said, “too idealistic.” His critiques of the party’s drift since coming to power are not without basis. But declaring PKR no longer reformist is a stretch.
Like it or not, Malaysia’s patronage politics cannot be overturned overnight. Reformasi takes time, and real change requires ideological work within the party – something Rafizi could have led had he chosen a different path.
Given his principled stance and unwillingness to compromise, perhaps regrettably, the only avenue left for Rafizi is to form his own party. (Alas, he won’t.) It is hard to see him playing a subordinate role in a structure he now openly challenges.
Tragedy in the making?
What has happened is clearly a setback for Reformasi. Rafizi hasn’t given up – he has hinted at a long-term plan. He remains an enfant terrible in Malaysian politics: brilliant, disruptive but often self-defeating.
He is adept at fighting external enemies but struggles to unify allies. Even ideological differences turn into personal feuds under his leadership.
Can Rafizi go far? It is hard to say. If he succeeds, it will be nothing short of a political marvel. If he fails, it will be a tragedy – not just for him but for those who placed their hopes in him.
If PH loses power again, will Rafizi say, “I told you so… you should have chosen me”? Will he sit back and watch in solace, as Uncle Sam from Terengganu carries out his version of ‘reformasi’?
Meanwhile, those who cheered Rafizi on, believing he is the true standard-bearer of reforms, are nowhere to be seen.
Charles Chia is a member of Monsoons Malaysia.
This article was first published in Sin Chew Daily.
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