The Keadilan-PRM Merger New Politics and a New Party A fresh start to the promotion of a new non-communal approach to Malaysian politics by Muzaffar Tate
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This is not a union that has come about easily. Right from the outset, the proposal was a controversial one, arousing a considerable amount of doubt and criticism. Many people questioned the benefits that Keadilan could hope to get by joining forces with the PRM, which despite its valiant record of struggle for the causes of democracy and social justice had remained very small and had fared miserably in past elections. On the other side, there were those who wondered whether the PRM would betray its principles by merging with a party, the bulk of whose members were certainly not socialists. There were other more immediate practical problems to be considered in what was a coming together of two parties of differing strengths, including representation at supreme council level, the allocation of seats at election time, issues of finance, and so on. Such considerations are beside the point. The justification for the merger and its significance lie within the larger context of Malaysian politics. In brief, since 1957 Malaysian politics has been characterized by two things: communalism and a steadily increasing authoritarianism. Communal Politics The dynamic of communal politics has been the key to the whole system. The ruling coalition, which has been in power since 1957, consists of political parties that represent communal interests rather than national ones. Over this period of time it has modified itself. The 3-party Alliance of yesteryear in which UMNO was the predominant partner has become the 14-party Barisan Nasional of today, representing a wider range of communal interests, but still dominated by UMNO. The partners in this inter-communal alliance have always been engaged in horse-trading over issues in which their interests are involved. This has resulted in a series of compromise solutions in which the permanent advantage lies with the largest community and crumbs are left to the smallest ones. Evidence of this can be seen in the manner in which our national system of education has evolved, in the way in which the government has sought to eradicate poverty, and in its approach in tackling basic social problems such as drug abuse, crime and juvenile delinquency. In other words, the political process is based not on broad principles of national relevance but on narrow, communal expediency. In the circumstances of the time, the political elites adopted a communal approach to politics to bring together the various ethnic communities in this country and present a united front against the British in the struggle for independence. That was almost fifty years and two generations ago. Since then, the communal approach has become so institutionalized that its replacement by a more trans-ethnic approach to national problems appears politically impossible. Authoritarianism At the same time, the process of institutionalizing the communal alliance has been closely associated with the steadily growing authoritarianism of the Malaysian state. In its efforts to retain power the Alliance/Barisan Nasional has retained and fine-tuned the Internal Security Act (ISA), and when the occasion demands, to imprison its more tiresome opponents. It has also passed and/or tightened other legislation that has empowered it to control students' activities at the universities, to dominate the Press and the other mass media, to make use of government amenities during election time, and to use patronage and money politics to capture the popular vote. All this has been possible because the Constitution, despite its democratic safeguards, is riddled with so many loopholes that it does not have the capacity to defend the fundamental rights of the citizens. Up till the 1990s, there seemed to be no way in which the ruling coalition and the system of communal politics on which it thrived could be brought to account and turned out of power. The ruling coalition�s clout was strengthened when Dr. Mahathir Mohamad became prime minister in 1981. A brilliant political strategist, a man with vision and sense of purpose who would brook no opposition, Mahathir sought to provide political stability, apparent racial harmony and economic development and prosperity. Non-Communal Politics
The rise of the Reformasi movement was - or should have been - a turning point in Malaysian politics. Here was a political movement which immediately won the support and backing of large numbers of Malays, Chinese and Indians (it was essentially a Peninsula affair) from both the lower- and middle-classes, and which also enjoyed support from a large number of those from the professions. It demanded accountability and transparency in government, freedom from political interference for the judiciary, the abolition of undemocratic and repressive legislation, and social justice. In short, it clamoured for a new kind of Malaysian politics founded on issues of principle and national interest and not on issues of narrow communal interest. It revealed that there was a large constituency of Malaysian voters (irrespective of whether they were Chinese, Indian or Malay) who strongly wanted these things. Out of the euphoria a new political party was born � Parti Keadilan Nasional � and a new alignment of Opposition parties called the Barisan Alernatif took shape, also based on principles of genuine democracy and social justice. It produced a manifesto for the 1999 General Election, which provided a classical definition of what the new non-communal politics of Reformasi was all about. The Reformasi movement took shape in September 1998 and made its impact felt in the general election the following year and at subsequent by-elections in various parts of the country. The grip of communal politics was being loosened. Then came the attack on the World Trade Centre in New York on 11 September 2001, which altered the whole complexion of global politics. One of the main beneficiaries was Mahathir, who emerged not only as an icon of the Third World on the world stage but also as a symbol of stability and firm leadership at home against the perils of terrorism and religious extremism. The Reformasi movement found the wind taken out of its sails. The Barisan Alternatif today survives but is now in rather a battered shape. To many outsiders it would seem that the idealism that brought the coalition together in the first place has evaporated and that the old-style of communal politicking and search for party political advantage prevails over the principles of democratic reform and social justice that bound all its members together.. A Rare Opportunity 
This is where the merger of Parti Keadilan Nasional and Parti Rakyat Malaysia comes in. The merger offers hope that new life will be given to the spirit of Reformasi. Both these parties are quintessentially parties based on political principle, not sectarian interests. They both stand first and foremost for a genuinely democratic society based on social justice.
Behind Parti Keadilan Nasional stands Anwar Ibrahim, and if the party is campaigning for his release from prison, it is so that he may lead the Reformasi movement for genuine democracy and social justice, not so that he may rest at home. Parti Rakyat Malaysia, for its part, has a distinguished record of unswerving loyalty to the principles of social justice, which is at the heart of all socialist thinking. Its leader, Dr Syed Husin Ali, has dedicated his whole life and career for the cause, declining the opportunity to take an easier, more lucrative route to which his talents and academic distinction could entitle him. The name of the newly merged entity, Parti Keadilan Rakyat, neatly sums up what it stands for � social justice and democracy. Because it stands for these things above all else, it is well positioned to play the role of catalyst in rekindling the spirit of partnership between all the members of the Barisan Alternatif. These are ideals that many Malaysians harbour in their hearts and await the leadership that can bring them to reality. The party�s silent but widespread constituency awaits its call. Communal politicking is not likely to disappear from the Malaysian scene overnight. The formation of Parti Keadilan Rakyat provides a highly significant fresh start to the promotion of a new non-communal approach in Malaysian politics. It is an opportunity that does not come often. Now e-mail us and tell us what you think. | ||||||||||||||||||
The merger offers hope that new life will be given to the spirit of Reformasi.
