Sarawak: Keen Contests In Urban Areas? by Abang Benet Aliran Monthly 23:7, 2003
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Clueless "West Malaysian" Opposition Parties The BN will romp home since there is really no coherent or co-ordinated opposition party in Sarawak. The DAP, KeADILan and PAS are perceived here as �West Malaysian� parties. Given the depth of parochial sentiment in the state, this is a crippling disability for the opposition, one that has always worked to the benefit of the Sarawak BN led by Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB) and the Sarawak United Peoples� Party (SUPP). Currently, the only �indigenous� opposition party is the State Reform Party (STAR). But it is a weak party with inconsequential support confined to some rural areas of the Kuching division. Unfortunately, the opposition, apart from being leaderless and directionless in terms of their policies, are also clueless as to how to overcome this perception and so work towards enhancing democratic choice and debate. Thus, the real loser is a vibrant democracy in a state which is largely governed along personal lines despite the formal trappings of democracy. KeADILan relies on the rump supporters of Abdul Rahman Yakub, the former Chief Minister and a political has-been. Further, despite a credible outing in two Malay-majority parliamentary constituencies outside Kuching (Santubong and Petra Jaya) in 1999, KeADILan is presently disorganised and oblivious about how to mount a credible electoral contest, except by linking itself with PAS to fight the Sarawak BN. Yet, KeADILan�s best candidate is Dominique Ng, a lawyer with excellent grassroots credentials, who will probably contest in the Kuching area. Unfortunately, Dominique�s campaign in Kuching whose population is largely non-Muslim, will be stymied by KeADILan�s link with PAS. PAS deludes itself (big-time!) in thinking that it has electoral influence in the state. In fact, PAS is probably the Sarawak BN�s best electoral ally given the multi-ethnic, non-Islamic and religiously-tolerant character of the majority of Sarawak�s electorate. Indeed, PAS is perceived as being fanatical religious chauvinists � even among Muslims. National PAS leaders just have to make some unthinking statement about �women�s lipstick� or polygamy or about the Islamic state, and the Sarawak BN are virtually assured a hands-down win in multi-ethnic non-Muslim majority constituencies. Thus, if PAS was genuine about advancing the multi-ethnic, multi-religious cause of the Barisan Alternatif in Sarawak, they would do well to either confine their electoral outings to the rural heartlands of Peninsula Malaysia or altogether drop their intention of setting up an �Islamic State� in favour of a more liberal and inclusive platform based on universal spiritual values. They would also do well to trade in their current �ulama� image in favour of a more inclusive and professional one. The DAP is likely to mount the most serious electoral challenge to the Sarawak BN in the Chinese-majority city constituencies. Of these challenges, the DAP candidate for Bintulu (Chiew Ching Sing, the present ADUN for Kemena) is likely to be the most successful. He will make a good electoral showing in the parliamentary contest given his deep political commitment and community work on behalf of the local people - qualities which many of the other DAP leaders lack. Nonetheless, his campaign will be an uphill one given the resources available to the incumbent MP Tiong King Sing, a businessman-politician. Still, Chiew might just prevail given the unpopularity of Tiong among members of his own Sarawak Progressive Democratic Party (SPDP) as well as the Sarawak BN�s top leadership. Apart from Bintulu, the DAP is unlikely to mount any successful campaign elsewhere in Sarawak. Possible Electoral Issues Parliamentary elections are not seen as crucially important in Sarawak. And there are no burning issues to enthuse voters. Note that even in the 1999 election, which featured Anwar Ibrahim and reformasi as burning national issues, the Sarawak BN actually bucked the dismal BN performance in the peninsula by winning all Sarawak seats for the BN. Thus, one can safely predict that this forthcoming parliamentary election will be an even more lukewarm affair; the real challenge being to get the people out to vote on election day.
Sarawak BN In-fighting? Of late, the two Dayak parties within the Sarawak BN, SPDP (formerly a faction of SNAP) and PBDS have been wrecked by destructive political infighting. After SNAP�s disintegration, SPDP was admitted into the Sarawak BN coalition. And despite the Federal Court later granting the rump SNAP an injunction staying the deregistration of the party, SNAP is all but defunct today. Additionally, the Chief Minister has also openly indicated his preference for SPDP on numerous occasions. So, rump SNAP is doomed. Of equal interest is the damaging row within PBDS between the Daniel Tajem-Joseph Salang faction and the James Masing-Sng Chee Hua one. Sng is a long-time PBDS financier well known for his role in the 1996 Bukit Begunan electoral contest that was voided by the Election Court. James Masing is a very ambitious politician who is perceived by many Dayaks as having let them down over the Bakun Resettlement Scheme relative to the interests of the Sarawak BN government of which he is a member. He has limited support within PBDS and modest financial resources. His present political fortunes are almost entirely due to his close links with Sng (in PBDS) and the Chief Minister (in government). The Tajem-Salang faction is formidable. Salang, a former banker, is a wealthy businessman and political prot�g� of Leo Moggie. Also in their camp is Stanley Ajang (the state assembly member for Belaga whose company secured the multi-billion ringgit Bakun project). This faction also enjoys the backing of the federal government, a fact not unnoticed by local political observers. Suggestion has it that Kuala Lumpur�s gambit is essentially one of checking the power of the richest chief minister in the country by clipping the wings of one of his key Iban supporters without necessarily losing the support of the Dayak community. And considering that Daniel Tajem, a former Sarawak BN Deputy Chief Minister (who was one of the original plotters of the Ming Court affair in 1987) has a cool relationship with the current chief minister, this view is not implausible. Factional manoeuvres has since seen the Tajem-Salang faction legally capture the party executive, the results of which have been rejected by the Masing-Sng faction. PBDS has thus all but split. However, considering that nine out of 14 elected representatives are presently aligned to the Masing-Sng faction, the victors need to find a way to unify the party. Failure to defuse the factional strife quickly will highlight the hollowness of their victory as well as jeopardise the Tajem-Salang faction�s ability to represent the whole Dayak community. It will also expose their nominees to the mortal danger of being undermined at the forthcoming polls by the opposing faction. As for PBB and SUPP, both parties are cruising on an even keel given tight control from their respective captains. Political Succession? 
The end result of SNAP and PBDS intra-party infighting has meant the Dayaks of Sarawak remain more fragmented and weaker than ever, a situation that, if reflected in the national polls, would do little to alleviate their developmental needs or political desires.
The PBB (and especially Taib Mahmud�s Melanau faction) will continue to dominate the Sarawak BN. As far as political succession is concerned, Chief Minister Taib Mahmud has very carefully ignored Dr Mahathir�s call to all aging and long-serving BN component party leaders to step down. Many believe that instead of stepping down, he may step up to become Governor, just like his uncle Abdul Rahman Yakub did before him. Indeed, why should Taib Mahmud step down now when the Sarawak BN under his watch has delivered both electorally and developmentally? Does not the SBN enjoy widespread support as evidenced by the 1999 elections? Did not the Sarawak BN save the BN from losing its two-thirds parliamentary majority in 1999? Thus, why spoil the party now by stepping down? Besides, wise and careful political co-ordination is required to distribute development projects to reliable corporate concerns with proven track records. Home-grown corporate concerns like Cahya Mata Sarawak (a Mahmud family corporate vehicle) no doubt require continued public sector support so as to benefit the rakyat. So, Abdul Taib Mahmud is here to stay and will likely continue to rule the State very much in his own personal style as he has always done.
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As far as political succession is concerned, Chief Minister Taib Mahmud has very carefully ignored Dr Mahathir�s call to all aging and long-serving BN component party leaders to step down.
